The Frontier: Africa and the Irrationality of Equity Home Bias

By Joe Kearns

Africa has long been, and largely still is, avoided like the plague by investors from developed economies due to concerns over government corruption, war, and poor infrastructure. It shouldn’t be. Though declining commodity prices, China’s economic downturn, and policy failures have eroded investor confidence in Africa, the International Monetary Fund (IMF) projects the continent’s economic growth to reach 4% in 2016, a modest increase from 3.5% in 2015. In contrast, 2015 World GDP growth was -0.4% and U.S. GDP growth was 0.0%. The rational action for investors in developed economies searching for positive returns is to jump on a largely untapped opportunity to invest in Africa and go against the conventional bearish sentiment.

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The bedrock assumption of classical economics that individuals make rational choices is challenged by a concept in international finance called the equity home bias puzzle. Financial economist Kenneth French and public economist James Poterba wrote in “Investor Diversification and International Equity Markets” (1991) that individuals and institutions in most countries predominantly hold domestic equity and only a marginal amount of foreign equity. According to French and Poterba, at “the end of 1989, Japanese investors had only 1.9% of their equity in foreign stocks, while U.S. investors held 6.2% of their equity portfolio overseas.” In December 2014, David Snowball, publisher of the Mutual Fund Observer newsletter, estimated that just 0.3% of the average portfolio in the United States, or $3 of every $1000, is invested in African assets.

It is true that many African investments have not fared well recently. Nigeria’s stock market index is down by 16% since the start of 2016. The S&P Zambia Index plunged 45% and its currency, the kwacha, depreciated by 45% relative to the dollar in one year. Ghana became mired in an economic crisis and had to pay a steep 10.75% interest rate for $1 billion in Eurobond. But even amidst unfavorable economic circumstances, the Ivory Coast stock exchange gained 7% in 2015 and the Kenyan stock exchange has been in the black since January. Both the Ivory Coast and Kenya are energy importers that benefit from the very phenomena which hurt economies like Angola, Nigeria, and Equatorial Guinea for whom 90% of export revenue is accounted for by oil.

It hardly seems rational for investors—even risk-averse investors—to invest so little in such a promising opportunity. It is best not to look at Africa as a monolithic entity, but a variety of economies with their own unique investment opportunities that fare differently over time. There are several reasons to remain optimistic about the future of Africa and the recent dip in African stocks and currencies means now is an excellent time to join the party.

Why Will African Economies Outperform the Developed World?

Demographics suggest that Africa is attaining a labor market which is conducive to strong economic growth. Africa has the youngest population in the world with 200 million people aged between 15 and 24. According to the United Nations, this figure will double to 400 million people by 2045.

It should be stressed that the economic situation is far from completely rosy in Africa. Six of the ten fastest growing economies in the world are in Sub-Saharan Africa, but the unemployment rate for the region is 6%. The African Development Bank (AfDB) reports that regional youth unemployment is twice as high as the general unemployment rate. North Africa especially suffers from high youth unemployment with a youth unemployment rate at 30%. Botswana, the Republic of the Congo, Senegal, and South Africa are among the countries which fare even worse than that region.

Nevertheless, Marketwatch reporter Sara Sjolin conveyed a valid reason to believe the labor market will improve: “In the strongest African economies, as the workforce expands, economists expect demographics to drive higher demand for services, goods, housing and infrastructure, which in turn will help drive domestic economies.”

To make this happen, African policymakers need to shift government spending towards facilitating growth in sectors like agriculture and manufacturing. Thomas Vester, manager of $875 million at the LGM Frontier Markets fund, credited Kenya, Ghana, Botswana, and Zambia as countries which have recently committed to longer-term projects like infrastructure and housing construction to support sectors with strong future growth. Vester forecasts that these economies will experience a 20-year trend of growth of about 6%-7% due to the fiscal stimulus. African policymakers have recognized that the optimal role of government is to intervene to facilitate economic growth and are slowly beginning to reap the rewards.

Most importantly, data suggests that Africa is undergoing a transformative moment in its economic history. The natural resources and mining sectors have been the fastest-growing sectors for years in Africa, but Sjolin argues, “With rapid economic growth also comes a rising middle class that wants to go out, open bank accounts, buy branded groceries and, eventually, buy cars, houses and life insurance.” The biggest African economy, Nigeria, saw its middle class grow by 600% between 2000 and 2014. Sjolin also believes that by 2030 Ghana, Angola, and Sudan will experience a steep increase in middle-class families as well.

The growth of a large middle class will be vital for African economic growth. Middle class consumers have a high marginal propensity to consume relative to their upper class counterparts, but also more disposable income than the poor. For this reason, the forecast of a substantially expanded middle class is the biggest reason to be optimistic about African economic growth.

What Are The Best Investment Opportunities in Africa?

The question for investors is who benefits from the consumption patterns of the new African middle class. Vester indicates that these middle-class consumers are likely to boost profitability for telecom companies, food and beverage companies, and banks. His fund has holdings in companies like the Guaranty Trust Bank in Nigeria and Senegalese telecom provider Sonatel. Meanwhile, Mark Mobius, executive chairman of Templeton Emerging Markets Group and manager of the Templeton Africa Fund, owns holdings Guaranty Trust Bank as well, along with Zenith Bank (Nigeria), Nigerian Breweries (Nigeria), and telecom firm MTN Group (South Africa).

Vester and Mobius, however, entered into long positions with these firms at the end of 2014, prior to the volatility of 2015 and the asset market plunge in 2016. Consequently, the stock prices for companies have recently plummeted as shown below:

Guaranty Trust Bank PLC

Guaranty

Zenith Bank PLC

Zenith Bank

Nigerian Breweries PLC

Nigerian Breweries

MTN Group PLC

MTN GroupThese companies have seen sharp dips in their market value in the past year, but there are reasons to be confident in their fundamentals.

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This small sample shows that it is reasonable to believe that there are long-term opportunities to invest in Africa and earn a high return. Though investors are afraid of the macroeconomic outlook in the short term, financial analysis of these companies indicates these fears are misdirected. The relatively high earnings per share, along with the relatively low price/sales and price/earnings (Nigerian Breweries PLC excepted for the P/E pattern), indicates that African companies can be solid bargains.

With that being said, it is rational for short-term investors to have some anxiety. Like many frontier markets, African economies have struggled because of monetary policy divergence with the Federal Reserve Bank of the United States which has begun to raise its benchmark interest rate. More significantly, however, many African economies are dependent on exporting commodities like brent crude, foods, and metals. For instance, Nigeria’s net exports of commodities consist of 34.5% of its GDP.

Commodities

For the time being, many African countries—especially the ones shaded in dark red on the graphic from The Economist shown above—are vulnerable to price swings of commodities like the drop in brent crude from $104.90 to its current level of $32.70. But given the fact that African governments have begun to diversify their economies, it is reasonable to believe that the woes of African stocks are transitory. If the map above looks much different in twenty years as I suspect, that means assets in Africa will have increased in value exponentially from where they are now. It is a risk to make that assumption, but I believe it is a well-calculated risk.

The Future

The long-term potential of African economic growth has created an excellent opportunity to exploit the risk aversion of other investors. There are short-term pains now, but it is best to follow the advice of Laura Garitz, manager of the U.S.-based Wasatch Frontier Emerging Small Countries fund. One quarter of her fund’s assets are invested in Africa and she has made no reductions this year. “Africa’s countries can no longer depend on a booming export market for resources to China,” Ms. Geritz said to The Wall Street Journal. “Africa will have to depend on its greatest asset—it’s pool of young, bright, driven people.”

Moreover, the equity home bias puzzle demonstrates the validity of contributions from behavioral finance. There are not many fundamental reasons investors should allocate almost all of their assets in their home country, which creates an opportunity for risk-seeking investors willing to look elsewhere. Data indicates that Africa is clearly the best region for these investors to earn a high return. By continuing to miss out on the vast economic growth from the continent, developed market investors are leaving easy money on the table. Simply put, it pays to not always root for the home team.

Author’s Note: As always, this post reflects solely my own views, not those of the Penn State Economics Association or any other entity I represent. 

Is College Really Worth It?

By Steve Leonard

Before reading on, it should be noted that I write this article from a neutral point of view. As I sit, I feel particularly jaded when it comes to college, as most seniors probably do. From these feelings come thoughts of the alternatives I could have picked four long years ago instead of going to college such as selecting a blue collar job like becoming an electrician. Out of curiosity I decided to make a few simple assumptions to determine if getting a degree is really more advantageous than working a blue collar job when it comes to retirement. We’ll pretend life begins at retirement then, and he who has the most saved at age 65 is the winner. We’ll need to make a few more assumptions to simplify this scenario enough to come to a conclusion.

The first assumption will be that retirement contributions towards a 401k are 10% of salary. Salaries used will be $31,969 for a blue collar job, which is the average salary for an entry level electrician , and $45,327 for those with a bachelor’s degree, which is the average salary for a new college graduate. Savings work out to be $3,196 for a blue collar job and $4,532 for those with a bachelor’s degree. The second assumption will be that savings for retirement begin at age 18 for a blue collar job and at age 28 for those with a bachelor’s degree. While most people graduate at age 22, we’ll assume that savings won’t begin until age 28 to account for student loan debt. If graduates contribute $4,532 per year to a 401k and average student loan debt was $29,000 in 2012, we’ll assume those 6 years of would-be retirement savings are used to pay off debts instead. Third, we’ll assume the average retirement age is 65. The last assumption we’ll make is that the average rate of growth for a 401k is 5%.

Under these assumptions, a blue collar worker who contributes $3,196 per year for 47 years earning 5% would have $569,269. Those with a bachelor’s degree contributing $4,532 per year for 37 years earning 5% would have $460,578. That’s a difference of $108,691. An electrician earns $108,691 more in retirement savings over their career than those who have earned a bachelor’s degree. In fact, someone with a bachelor’s degree would have to retire at age 68 if they wanted to have the same amount saved as an electrician who retired at age 65.

I recognize that the assumptions made here simplify this complicated scenario to a great extent. I also recognize that those who attend college have higher lifetime earnings potential than those with blue collar jobs. However, there are many jobs that require degrees such as elementary education jobs where lifetime earnings are nearly on par with that of blue collar jobs.

In the end, there is no right or wrong answer to whether college is worth it. Aside from a retirement standpoint, there are many other ways in which individuals gain value from going to college and there are many other ways in which individuals place value on not going to college. When it comes to retirement though, some blue collar jobs do in fact come out on top. And even for those blue collar jobs that may not come out on top, the retirement savings difference between college graduates and their counterparts may not be as large as some people imagine. For me, going to college was definitely a decision I’m glad I made, but I was certainly surprised to see how retirement savings can stack up against those who chose not to make the same decision  I did.

Sources:

http://www.forbes.com/sites/kerryhannon/2013/01/13/the-three-surprises-in-401ks/#16b0c4c932ea

http://naceweb.org/salary-resources/starting-salaries.aspx

http://ticas.org/sites/default/files/pub_files/Debt_Facts_and_Sources.pdf

http://www.hamiltonproject.org/papers/major_decisions_what_graduates_earn_over_their_lifetimes/

http://www.bls.gov/oes/current/oes472111.htm

The (Domestic) Optimal Bundle Spring Edition: Volume 12

The Optimal Bundle is a student publication run by the Penn State Economics Association’s Print Education Subcommittee.

This edition of the Optimal Bundle features an op-ed about U.S. dependency on foreign oil. Other topics in this edition include the FBI’s legal battle with Apple over privacy and security, a decline in currencies for oil exporters, and Delta Airlines’ unusual strategy to increase profitability.

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The (International) Optimal Bundle Spring Edition: Volume 11

The Optimal Bundle is a student publication run by the Penn State Economics Association’s Print Education Subcommittee.

This edition of the Optimal Bundle features an op-ed about the potential and weaknesses of the “Make in India” initiative. Other topics in this edition include Chinese pollution, France’s solar bike path, and how toads are combating the Zika virus. 

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The (Domestic) Optimal Bundle Spring Edition: Volume 10

The Optimal Bundle is a student publication run by the Penn State Economics Association’s Print Education Subcommittee.

This edition of the Optimal Bundle features an op-ed about U.S. Navy budget cuts. Other topics in this edition include President Obama’s proposal to levy a tax on oil to fund public transportation and a decline in the U.S. government budget deficit.

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The Optimal Bundle Spring Edition: Volume 9

The Optimal Bundle is a student publication run by the Penn State Economics Association’s Print Education Subcommittee.

This edition of the Optimal Bundle features an op-ed about rocket mortgages. Other topics in this edition include yen depreciation and Argentina’s debt restructuring proposal.

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The Optimal Bundle Spring Edition: Volume 8

The Optimal Bundle is a student publication run by the Penn State Economics Association’s Print Education Subcommittee.

This edition of the Optimal Bundle features an op-ed about populist sentiment against the Federal Reserve. Other topics in this edition include the economic impact of violence in Jerusalem and the global impact of Chinese economic volatility.

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Insider vs. Outsider: Should Wall Street Feel the Bern?

By Joe Kearns

It is no secret that former U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, like her husband Bill, has Wall Street’s ear. She has built personal relationships with prominent banking executives like Goldman Sachs CEO Lloyd Blankfein, Morgan Stanley CEO James Gorman, JPMorgan Chase CEO Jamie Dimon, and Bank of America Merrill Lynch CEO Brian Moynihan. This outreach to Wall Street executives and their employees is particularly useful to Clinton in fundraising for the 2016 presidential campaign. “The money is already behind her,” a Wall Street money manager told Politico. “I don’t think it’s starting to line up behind her: It’s there for her if she wants it.”

Like her establishment Republican counterparts, Clinton faces an opposition characterized by distrust of political elites. This opposition in the Democratic presidential primary has virtually been personified in the form of U.S. Senator Bernie Sanders, a democratic socialist from Vermont who once honeymooned in the Soviet Union and had a softball team called the “People’s Republic of Burlington.” It is safe to say Sanders has not endeared himself to the capitalist crowd backing Clinton.

Sanders does not rival Clinton’s endorsements or fundraising in this campaign, but he has become a thorn in her side with surprising success in generating support in early primary states. Recent polls indicate that Sanders and Clinton have a virtual tie in both Iowa and New Hampshire. Clinton has a huge lead in the next primaries (South Carolina and Nevada), but it is worth watching if news from the early primaries produces a feedback loop which trims her advantage.

A major reason for Sanders’s unlikely ascendance is the attractiveness of his anti-Wall Street populism to progressive voters in the Democratic Party. The concise diction (“Break up the banks”) of his proposals is catchy and easily understandable at a superficial level, in contrast to wonkiness of Clinton’s proposals. Financial markets, however, are complex and the question of which candidate’s regulatory policies have more social benefit requires a nuanced analysis.

Glass-Steagall: Should It Be Resurrected?

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The Glass-Steagall Act was originally enacted in 1933 and it prohibited commercial banks from participating in the investment banking business. This was the case until the act was essentially repealed in 1999 under President Bill Clinton.

Sanders has argued that the repeal of Glass-Steagall allowed investment banks to speculate with depositors’ money held in commercial banks, and, consequently, paved way for banks to merge with one another at a rapid pace to create institutions that were too big to fail. “Let’s not forget: President Franklin Roosevelt signed this bill into law precisely to prevent Wall Street speculators from causing another Great Depression,” Sanders said in a speech, according to boston.com. “And it worked for more than five decades, until Wall Street watered it down under President Reagan and killed it under President Clinton.”

Clinton, like her husband, refutes the idea that Glass-Steagall triggered the financial crisis, pointing to the fact that the law would not have applied to any of the institutions at the heart of the crisis. New York Times columnist Andrew Ross Sorkin adds credence to Clinton’s argument by noting the irrelevance of Glass-Steagall to these institutions. For instance, Bear Stearns, Lehman Brothers, and Merrill Lynch were investment banks with no commercial banking business. For commercial banks like Bank of America and Wachovia, the problems stemmed from acquisitions of lenders Countrywide Financial and Golden West respectively. Other entities are not banks at all, and would not be regulated under Glass-Steagall: American International Group is an insurance company, while Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac are government-sponsored enterprises. When asked whether the financial crisis or JPMorgan Chase’s crisis-era $2 billion trading loss would have prevented by Glass-Steagall, U.S. Senator Elizabeth Warren (a leading proponent of restoring the act) conceded to Sorkin, “The answer is probably ‘No’ to both.”

In fact, Bill Clinton argued that the rollback of Glass-Steagall made it easier for institutions to recover from the 2008 financial crisis, citing the acquisition of Merrill Lynch by Bank of America. In this context, it is difficult to prove that the rollback of Glass-Steagall has had adverse economic effects and there is some evidence was beneficial. There is a role for regulation of merged investment and commercial banks, but this should not inhibit the positive attributes of larger firms. While Glass-Steagall is an effective boogeyman for Sanders, it appears to be little more than that.

Is Bigness Really Bad?

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Sanders’ campaign taps into an American political legacy of distrust in capitalistic institutions which consists of Andrew Jackson’s demonization of the Second Bank of the United States as the “monster bank,” William Jennings Bryan’s “Cross of Gold” speech, and Theodore Roosevelt’s trust-busting campaign. The prospect of undermining the power of elite institutions especially resonates with the public in the aftermath of the 2007-08 financial crisis.

POLITICO senior staff writer Michael Grunwald complicates the uplifting populist narrative underlying Sanders’ financial reform proposals by arguing that the size of the largest U.S. financial institutions is not merely a necessary evil in a capitalist economy, but a positive good: “If JP Morgan hadn’t been big and strong enough to absorb the hemorrhaging balance sheets of Bear Stearns and Washington Mutual, we might well have endured a depression. Ditto if Wells Fargo hadn’t been big and strong enough to let Wachovia collapse in its arms. The world is also lucky Bank of America was big and (arguably) dumb enough to salvage Countrywide and Merrill Lynch from the jaws of death.”

Sanders’ fear of institutions becoming “too-big-to-fail” is rational to an extent given the interdependence between banks, but he is wrong to believe simply reducing the size of banks eradicates risk. His solution in the “Too Big To Fail, Too Big To Exist Act” even exacerbates risk by creating enormous uncertainty in financial markets: “the Financial Stability Oversight Council shall compile and submit to the Secretary of the Treasury a list of entities that it deems Too Big To Fail, which shall include, but is not limited to, any United States bank holding companies that have been identified as systemically important banks by the Financial Stability Board…the Secretary of the Treasury shall break up entities included on the Too Big To Fail List, so that their failure would no longer cause a catastrophic effect on the United States or global economy without a taxpayer bailout.”

The act lacks any definition or guidelines on what constitutes an institution that is “Too Big To Fail” or what procedure is to be used to break it up. Moreover, the risk-averse nature of investors suggests that the natural result of this act’s vagueness will be lower lending to all individuals including those who are low-income and, consequently, lower economic growth. In essence, Sanders’ solution is worse than the problem.

What is Clintonian Capitalism?

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Aware of the need to counter Sanders’ populist message, Clinton wrote an op-ed which awkwardly attempts to reconcile leftist sentiment with an array of piecemeal reforms which enhance, rather than undermine, free-market capitalism. In one vein, she copies Sanders’ message by arguing, “I would also ensure that the federal government has—and is prepared to use—the authority and tools necessary to reorganize, downsize and ultimately break up any financial institution that is too large and risky to be managed effectively.” Like Sanders, she does not clarify what kind of tools she would use to orchestrate such a breakup.

On the other hand, there is a less ambitious, but more useful theme underlying Clinton’s reforms: to level the playing field and equalize information for financial markets. Her proposal to increase leverage and liquidity requirements for broker-dealers and impose strict margin requirements for short-term borrowing might be onerous, but, if comprehensibly constructed, it would equalize the oversight of the traditionally less-regulated shadow banking system and its more heavily-regulated commercial banking counterpart. This is laudable, as the financial crisis was partly a product of the disproportionately low regulation of hedge funds, investment banks, government-sponsored enterprises, and other non-banking financial institutions which make up the shadow banking system.

Moreover, Clinton’s proposal to independently fund the Securities and Exchange Commission and Commodity Futures Trading Commission would provide more stability and consistency in the enforcement of financial regulations. Her suggestion of a tax on high-frequency trading not only fulfills this goal, but it reduces the ability of some investors to exploit others who lack their quality of information to make an optimal decision. The virtue of these reforms come from the positive externality of lower uncertainty for investors which leads to a bigger societal risk appetite sufficient for economic growth. Clinton’s proposal has flaws, namely its absence of adequate details regarding the size and scope of future regulation, but its promise lies in an understanding of the nuances of financial markets that Sanders lacks.

The Verdict

Sanders suggests that the nature of capitalism is inherently flawed and requires a drastic upheaval of large financial institutions. Clinton’s reforms instead are largely designed to tweak the framework of financial markets to more optimally utilize the capabilities of capitalism. I have concluded that Clinton’s plan is more conducive to economic growth, a stronger risk appetite, and even the goal of reducing wealth inequality championed by Sanders. Yet, I credit Sanders for pushing financial reform to the forefront of this presidential election campaign and pressuring Clinton to respond to his ideas. Ironically, the democratic socialist senator has demonstrated the virtues of a competitive marketplace of ideas with his presence in the Democratic primary.

Author’s Note: As always, the content of this post solely reflects the views of the author, not the Penn State Economics Association. 

 

The Abominable Bundle

The Optimal Bundle is a student publication run by the Penn State Economics Association’s Print Education Subcommittee.

This Christmas edition of the Optimal Bundle features an op-ed about holiday shopping. Other topics in this edition include efficient gift giving, the UN climate change summit, and the ECB’s stimulus program.

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The Optimal Bundle Fall Edition: Volume 7

The Optimal Bundle is a student publication run by the Penn State Economics Association’s Print Education Subcommittee.

This edition of the Optimal Bundle features an op-ed about slash-and-burn practices in Indonesia and their role in emitting carbon. Other topics in this edition include PlayStation 4’s ability to elude government surveillance, the G-20’s discussion on financial stability measures, and the implications of the terrorist attacks in Paris last week.

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